EDITORIAL | Hack Off!

By the end of this blog post, I am certain that my blog will be hacked by Anonymous Philippines.

Here’s why: Anonymous Philippines and its cohorts recently defaced Chinese websites—again! In its Facebook page, the group claims to have hacked and defaced 195 Chinese government and civilian websites. The group came to notoriety in 2012 after it defaced several Philippine government websites following the passage of the Anti-Cybercrime Law. The group has previously defaced Chinese websites, also in 2012, after the tense standoff between Manila and Beijing at the disputed Panatag Shoal (Scarborough Shoal in maritime parlance) which resulted to Manila’s retreat of its frigate and Beijing asserting control over the reef.

While China’s incursion in these contested waters based on their myopic nine-dash line view is indeed deplorable, “The Philippines has very few cards to play…” as geopolitical analyst Robert Kaplan said in his new book, Asia’s Cauldron: The South China Sea and the End of a Stable Pacific. Kaplan notes how the Philippine Navy was, for a long time, in a neglected state brought on by inept and corrupt administrations which made the Philippines “a near failed state”. It would never stand a chance in countering Chinese intrusion and successfully asserting sovereignty in the Kalayaan Islands or Panatag Shoal with such weak capability. Neither can it play the economic card, since China is the Philippines’ third biggest market for Filipino exports and second biggest source of imports. Declaring war on China or halting bilateral trade relations will only obliterate the Philippines’ recent economic gains.

The Philippines used the UN card by filing a case in the United Nations’ Permanent Court of Arbitration, urging it compel China to respect the 200-mile Exclusive Economic Zone of claimant nations—a confusing and complex series of overlapping lines and territorial possessions. Kaplan sees this move as “the Philippines’ highest display of weakness”. Out of desperation, the Philippines would appeal not just to the UN, but also the ASEAN to support its actions in securing a conduct agreement between claimant nations. This move ultimately failed in the past meetings of the ASEAN in Cambodia (2012), Brunei (2013), and Myanmar (2014), since after all, China is one of the region’s biggest trade partners. Chinese investments in Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia, in particular are preventing the regional association from achieving a consensus on a code of conduct in the West Philippine Sea.

While the Philippines signed a security deal with staunch ally United States prior to President Barack Obama’s state visit last April, Obama fell short of categorically expressing support for the Philippines in its fight against China. The limited amount of US help through information-sharing and capability enhancement exercises only proves how indecisive the superpower is in this territorial row because of its economic interests and obligations with China. It also proves the Philippines as a pushover, willing to set aside its national interests in favor of America’s Pivot to Asia—a move which Filipinos cannot solely rely on.

There’s not much the Philippines can do. And hacking Chinese websites of little or no significance won’t do anything as well. While Anonymous Philippines had succeeded defacing the websites, it also proves how novice their hacking activities, which are limited to denial-of-service attacks and defacement. They are yet to be at par with state-sponsored cyberespionage units in China, America, Russia, or Israel, which can steal sensitive commercial and government information, and cripple important systems and networks crucial to government, military, and economic operations.

We, Filipinos, think that defacing Chinese websites or arresting few, unsuspecting Chinese fishermen are acts of heroism comparable to David vs. Goliath. However, our “ingenious boisterousness and incendiary statements” [quoting Kaplan], do little to paralyze China’s creeping invasion of the West Philippine Sea, and only serves to antagonize the Philippines even more in the eyes of the Chinese government and public, pushing us closer to the brink of regional war. It’s like slinging a tiny pebble against a goliath wearing full body armor. War mongering Filipinos have even called for the extreme—torching Chinese businesses nationwide, arresting more Chinese fishermen, and even clamping down on illegal Chinese activities elsewhere in the Philippines. Yes, these will send China the message that we are mad, that we can mess with them, but we won’t be able to stand by the image we are trying to portray. We are not capable of shoving off China militarily nor economically. At least, not this time.

These hackers should better back off and leave the job to our diplomats and the military. While defacing Chinese websites is a good exercise in sharpening cyberespionage skills, it’s better if they leave this territorial dispute out of their “trainings”. Instead of wasting their skills on passive-aggressive actions, they should turn their anger into productive endeavors such as helping the government protect our important government, military, economic, and transportation facilities from a possible retaliatory cyberattack from China.

In the end, the Philippines cannot afford to be equally belligerent like China. We could follow the example of Malaysia, which was described by Kaplan as “lying low”, or Indonesia, “which has no well-defined foreign policy on the subject”. We could support Vietnam, described by Kaplan, as “ASEAN’s fighting chance”, or restart bilateral diplomatic talks with Beijing over the subject, but both actions will neither prevent China’s continuous encroachment nor promote our national interests.

Let us tone down the rhetoric and reserve our criticism and anger on China where it is due. This is while we hold the line we’ve already used to mark our place in the West Philippine Sea by improving our military facilities in Philippine-controlled islands and reefs, spending further on military equipment and capability enhancement, expanding our efforts to tap the natural resources present in Philippine-held waters, maintaining good PH-China relations in other matters unrelated to the WPS dispute (cultural exchanges, trade relations, tourism, among others), and most importantly, working to continue the Philippines’ stellar economic performance in Asia!

If every Filipino will work for the success of these suggestions, it will be the ultimate demonstration of our strength as a nation, by enduring China’s overtures without antagonizing it at the same time. Our heroism and nationalism is in question right now, but these do not always lie at the tip of a gun, the tip of the tongue, or on hackers’ fingertips. Heroism, in these crucial times, lies in actions that promote our country’s good name and interests.    

References: 

• Louis Bacani (20 May 2014). Pinoys hack 200 Chinese websites amid sea disputes. The Philippine Star. Retrieved on 24 May 2014. 
• Carmela Fonbuena (20 May 2014). If China can break off Vietnam, they've won South China Sea. Rappler. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Teresa Cerojano (30 March 2014). Philippines files evidence against China's claims. The Philippine Star. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Michelle V. Remo (20 February 2014). PH-China economic relations seen to remain unaffected by territorial disputes. Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• BBC News – Asia (13 July 2012). Asean nations fail to reach agreement on South China Sea. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Steve Herman (10 October 2013). ASEAN: No Breakthrough on South China Sea Issue. Voice of America. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Dario Agnote and Puy Kea (10 May 2014). ASEAN foreign ministers fail to censure China over row with Vietnam. Kyodo News. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Erlinda Basilio (19 July 2012). Why there is no ASEAN joint communiqué. Philippine Daily Inquirer. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Boo Chanco (14 May 2014). “ASEAN will stand up to China?” in Demand and Supply. The Philippine Star. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Shannon Tiezzi (26 February 2014). Why China Isn't Interested in a South China Sea Code of Conduct. The Diplomat. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Mark Felsenthal and Matt Spetalnick (29 April 2014). Obama says U.S. commitment to defend Philippines 'ironclad'. Reuters. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Julie Pace (28 April 2014). Obama Visits Philippines As Deal Signed To Give U.S. Military Greater Access To Area Bases. The Huffington Post. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.
• Alexis Romero (4 June 2013). PHL growth vulnerable to cyber attacks. The Philippine Star. Retrieved on 24 May 2014.

SABAH STANDOFF: A HOSTAGE CRISIS?

How do you claim something that you say is yours?

Infographic by Agence France Presse

I believe this is the big question we should all ask ourselves amid this territorial crisis in North Borneo. While this is not the first time the Philippines is embroiled in a territorial fiasco, the way Filipinos are reacting to the issue reflects very little learning from our experiences from last year's Scarborough Shoal standoff with China.

BACKGROUND

On February 11, around 200 members of the Royal Security Forces of the Sultanate of Sulu (some armed) occupied the Malaysian village of Tanduo in Lahad Datu Province, Sabah, Malaysia. They are claiming ownership of Sabah (formerly called North Borneo) which is according to historical sources originally belongs to the Sultanate of Sulu.

Historically, the Sultan of Brunei gave North Borneo to the Sultan of Sulu during the 1300s after the latter's support in quelling a revolt in the former's territory. In 1878, the Sultan of Sulu signed a lease agreement with the representatives of the British North Borneo Company, allowing them to establish a trading post in the region and make us of its natural resources. In the lease agreement, the key term used is "padjak" which in Tausug (the language of Sulu) means "lease or rent". However, the British took the word's meaning as "grant and cede".

Hence, believing that North Borneo was granted to them, the British established a protectorate in the region in 1888. After World War II, North Borneo became a British Crown Colony, which it passed to the newly formed independent Malaysia in 1957. The Malaysian government has been continuously paying the heirs of the Sultan of Sulu an annual fee of 5,300 Malaysian ringgit. Despite this, the Philippines, under the American Commonwealth and during the Third Republic, has continuously claimed North Borneo as part of its territory, citing the agreement between the Sultan of Sulu and the British North Borneo Company.

Jamalul Kiram III (Photo by MyStar)

TAKING EVERYBODY HOSTAGE

Since February 11, Malaysia, North Borneo, and the Philippines are under hostage by the Sultanate of Sulu --hostages because all three places and its people are being forced at gunpoint to act with consideration of their reservations about the issue. 

The Philippines is a hostage because it is being forced to support a violent and extralegal means of claiming North Borneo, an act which could hurt the peace process with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front which Malaysia brokered last year. While it has a strong historical claim to North Borneo, the Sultanate of Sulu did not inform the Philippine government of its plans to assert its claims nor of its occupation of the region. While the Sultanate of Sulu has expressed that it is claiming North Borneo on behalf of the Philippines, the lack of coordination with Philippine authorities disproves otherwise the integrity of this motive. The Philippine government has always supported a peaceful claim to the region, a position which is now clearly not being espoused by the Sultanate and its forces.

Malaysia is a hostage because while it currently exercises jurisdiction over North Borneo, it is being forced to relinquish its jurisdiction without consideration to the fact that it has exercised such jurisdiction for the past 50 years. Malaysia has contributed much to the development of the region's economy, infrastructure, and stability--all of which could suffer if transferred under the jurisdiction of a Sultanate which has done little to improve the economic and political status of Sulu itself.

North Borneo and its citizens are hostages because the Sultanate never consulted them whether they want to be part of it or remain part of Malaysia. In 1963, both the UK sponsored Cobbold Commission and the United Nations Malaysia Assessment Mission found that a substantial majority of North Borneans chose to be part of Malaysia. If that isn't a definitive statement to answer the Sultanate's claims then I don't know what will.

Now, if the Sultanate claims that it is only peacefully claiming what is rightfully theirs, shouldn't they discuss this with the current residents? Why bring arms and vow to fight to the death? This is issue is not as simple as evicting a tenant from your property. Millions of Malays were born and grew up in this region for the last 50 years and forcibly removing them could lead to even more violence than we have right now.

NATIONALIST CLAIMANTS OR VIOLENT LANDLORDS?

Photo by Reuters

Clearly, the Sultanate and its forces are the aggressors in this crisis. While they have legitimate claims, nobody can justify the violent means they are using to claim what they believe is rightfully theirs. It is not even clear who are the real benefactors of this assertion, if it is the Philippines or the only the Sultanate. They do not even have a clear vision of what to do with North Borneo once (and if in case) it acquires it.

How can we trust that these people are imbibed with a nationalistic sense in claiming these lands when it cannot even consult our own government prior to this standoff? How can we trust that these people are working for the interest of the Filipino people when it cannot even consult us on how we should properly approach this issue? How can we trust these people if they have the gun pointed at us while at the same time saying that they are only claiming what is rightfully theirs?

FANNING THE FLAMES OF CONFLICT

Unsurprisingly, we, the ever impulsive Filipino society, even have the guts to jump into this issue without common sense. Observing our responses in various social media and news websites, as well as the actions of Filipino hackers against their Malaysian counterparts, we are only emboldening a group of hostage-takers to justify their unjustifiable means of claiming North Borneo. By prodding the Kirams, we claim to be "nationalists" and "defenders of our country's sovereignty and patrimony".

When we mean "nationalist", do we mean doing actions that could possibly tarnish the reputation of our country among our neighbors? When we mean "nationalist", do we mean supporting violent and undiplomatic conduct regarding a sensitive issue? When we mean "nationalist", do we mean putting more fuel to the fire or trying to settle the issue calmly and with a grain of salt? We should all ask ourselves whether our reaction to the Sabah crisis is indeed nationalistic or not.

EPILOGUE

In the end, this writer supports the Philippine government's position in this crisis. While it is not relinquishing the country's claim over North Borneo, it is only right that the government condemn this undiplomatic and violent take over attempt. The writer sees very well how the Kirams are merely acting on discontent over unresolved issues concerning the recently drafter Bangsamoro Framework Agreement. I see how they are being prodded by men (and women) with political ambitions of their own and would like to take advantage of this conflict to discredit the government in time for the upcoming elections.

Let me reiterate my point: let us ask ourselves if what the Kirams did are really nationalistic and whether supporting their violent occupation is the nationalistic thing to do. Because if we truly are loving and loyal to our country, we shouldn't put this kind of embarrassment and danger to our own people. Whether we have a legitimate historical claim to it or not, no Filipino should die just because of a piece of land. TSS

OWNING PANATAG SHOAL

We, the Filipino people, own Panatag Shoal. Or at least, some of us believe.

The rest of this nation of almost 100 million is still divided on this issue. While some of us have joined mass protests today in various Chinese embassies and consulates worldwide, most of us are still weighing the consequences of such actions towards our relationship with our commie neighbour. And as such reservations continue to divide this nation rather than create a sold stand on the issue, the Chinese are continuing its united, armed incursion in Panatag Shoal.

United is the key word here. What makes China ever more confident about taking claim over Panatag Shoal is not just the fact that they have the largest military in the world, but also the fact that majority of Chinese society are behind the Communist Party and the Armed Forces in this endeavour. You can see it in the way they respond in Internet forums or in interviews on Chinese media: how ordinary Chinese netizens, with their substandard English, would bash and threaten Filipinos in forums; or how Chinese hackers have the audacity to attack and maim our websites. Even as their claims lack substantial proof, Chinese society has shown that unique fervour that Panatag Shoal and the rest of the disputed islands in the West Philippine Sea are theirs. They are aware of their strength and capability as a people. Hence, with the people’s mandate, the Chinese government has the guts to draw out the big gun and threaten us in our own waters, and dictate the course of this crisis.